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Quichua vs. Espa�ol. Un an�lisis del biling�ismo y la diglosia en Salasaca

 

Quichua vs. Spanish. An analysis of bilingualism and diglossia in Salasaca

 

Quichua vs. Ingl�s. Uma an�lise do bilinguismo e da diglossia em Salasaca

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Correspondencia: enithmejia@yahoo.com.mx

Ciencias de la Educaci�n

Art�culo de Investigaci�n

 

�������� *Recibido: 23 de febrero de 2023 *Aceptado: 17 de abril de 2023 * Publicado: 16 de mayo de 2023

 

        I.            Mag�ster en Ciencias de la Educaci�n y Desarrollo Social, Diploma Superior en Metodolog�as Comunicativas del Idioma Ingl�s, Licenciada en Ciencias de la Educaci�n: Especialidad Ingl�s, Ecuador.

      II.            Mag�ster en Pedagog�a de los Idiomas Nacionales y Extranjeros: Menci�n en Ense�anza de Ingl�s, Mag�ster en Gerencia y Liderazgo Educacional, Licenciado en Ling��stica Aplicada a la Ense�anza del Idioma Ingl�s, Ecuador.

   III.            Mag�ster en Ling��stica Aplicada a la Ense�anza Biling�e Espa�ol- Ingl�s, Licenciado en Ciencias de la Educaci�n en la Especialidad Ingl�s, Ecuador.

Resumen

La lengua que se habla en los diferentes pueblos en el mundo, siempre ser� motivo de estudio, m�s a�n si esos pueblos han mantenido su lengua milenaria, pese a la influencia de otras, aparentemente m�s importantes, en cuanto a su uso y al n�mero de sus hablantes. Esta contribuci�n tiene el objetivo fundamental de analizar el uso y la coexistencia del quichua como lengua materna y el castellano como segunda lengua en la comunidad ind�gena de Salasaca. En segundo lugar, definiremos si estamos frente a una comunidad digl�sica, biling�e o ciertamente es una situaci�n de genocidio ling��stico. Tras un estudio de los principales aspectos te�ricos de los t�rminos m�s representativos de este tema, como son: el quichua y el castellano, en sus distintos �mbitos cotidianos en esta comunidad, su interacci�n, y el posicionamiento del quichua como lengua ancestral en la constituci�n ecuatoriana; as� como del biling�ismo y la diglosia, se concluy� que la comunidad Salasaca no se la puede ver como un caso de glotofagia. Esta m�s bien es una comunidad digl�sica, socialmente hablando. Finalmente, se estableci� que existe una revaloraci�n cultural de los pueblos ind�genas en el Ecuador, espec�ficamente del Salasaca, tanto en el �mbito p�blico como en el privado.

Palabras Claves: Biling�ismo; Diglosia; Salasaca; Glotofagia.

 

Abstract

The language spoken in different surroundings in the world will be always a matter of study, especially if those places keep their millennial tongue resisting to other languages influence apparently more important, considering their usage and number of speakers. This contribution has the fundamental objective of analyzing the usage and the coexistence of the Quichua as a mother tongue and Spanish as a second language in the indigenous community of Salasaca. Secondly, it will be defined if this is a diglossia or bilingual case or certainly it is a linguistic genocide situation based on a study of the main theoretical aspects of the most representative terms of this topic such as: The Quichua and the Spanish language in different daily situations in this community, its interaction and the positioning of the Quichua as an ancestral language in the Ecuadorian constitution. Analyzing the bilingualism and the diglossia it was concluded that the Salasaca case it is not a glottophagy one. This is considered a diglossia community socially talking. Finally, it was established that there is a cultural revaluation of the indigenous communities in Ecuador, especifically of the Salasaca person considering the public and private field.

Keywords: Bilingualism; Diglossia; Salasaca; Glottophagy.

 

Resumo

A l�ngua falada pelos diversos povos do mundo ser� sempre motivo de estudo, ainda mais se esses povos tiverem mantido a sua l�ngua ancestral, apesar da influ�ncia de outras, aparentemente mais importantes, pelo seu uso e pelo n�mero de l�nguas .seus alto-falantes. Esta contribui��o tem como objetivo fundamental analisar o uso e a coexist�ncia do qu�chua como l�ngua materna e do espanhol como segunda l�ngua na comunidade ind�gena de Salasaca. Em segundo lugar, definiremos se estamos perante uma comunidade digl�ssica, bilingue ou se se trata certamente de uma situa��o de genoc�dio lingu�stico. Ap�s um estudo dos principais aspectos te�ricos dos termos mais representativos deste tema, tais como: qu�chua e espanhol, em seus diferentes contextos cotidianos nesta comunidade, sua intera��o e a posi��o do qu�chua como l�ngua ancestral na constitui��o equatoriana. ; assim como o bilinguismo e a diglossia, concluiu-se que a comunidade de Salasaca n�o pode ser vista como um caso de gula. Esta � uma comunidade bastante digl�ssica, socialmente falando. Finalmente, foi estabelecido que h� uma revaloriza��o cultural dos povos ind�genas no Equador, especificamente os Salasaca, tanto na esfera p�blica quanto na privada.

Palavras-chave: Bilinguismo; diglossia; Salasaca; Glotofagia.

 

Introducci�n

To express and communicate what we think, feel or desire, we always use the language. This is also the most common mean to transmit the culture and in this way it doesn�t extinguish through time and at the same time to keep the cultural baggage from one generation to another.

The main objective of this work is to analyze the use of Quichua as the mother tongue and the use of Spanish as the second language in the indigenous community of Salasaca. Besides, it focuses on getting to know if� thecommunity of Salasaca is diglossic or bilingual.

The Salasacas is an indigenous community which lives in the Highlands in the center of the Republic of Ecuador in the province of Tungurahua, specifically, in the city of Pelileo. This millennial town has Quichua as its mother tongue until now. However, it is necessary to analyze the linguistic situation that this town goes through because it is located among others that speak Spanish. They have this language as the official one because of the conquest, heritage and due to the Constitution.

To understand this issue better, a theoretical review will be done about the Quichua and Spanish, their use in the daily activities of the Salasacas, the interaction of these two languages, the positioning of Quichua in the Ecuadotian Constitution; as well as some important aspects about the bilinguism and the diglossia, of course they all will be focused on the community of Salasaca.

At the end of this research, some conclusions will be established. They will be useful for future investigations.

 

Development

In this section some essential theorical points will be presented which will permit to have a wide perspective about the topic. Base on this, some conclusions can be stablished which will assist o accomplish the set out goals and in this way it will be a contribution in the field of science.

 

Quichua

According to the last Constitution of Ecuador issued en 2008, in the Title I, Main Fundamentals, en the Art. 1, says verbatim: �El quichua, el shuar y los dem�s idiomas ancestrales son de uso oficial para los pueblos ind�genas, en los territorios que fija la ley^[1]�(Constituci�n del Ecuador, 2008). As it can be seen, this language is not only part of the culture and the history of Ecuador, but also it is also presented in the supreme law of this country.

The Quichua language of Ecuador belongs to the big linguistic family Quechua which can be found in a lot of Latinamerican countries such as: Colombia, Per�, Argentina and Chile (Garc�s, 2020a). This language in the Ecuadorian communities is a mean of communication and interaction among those groups. It is also identified as a symbol of identity and representativeness in view of the rest of the world (Haboud, 1998, p�g. 20). Wrongly, it is believed that Quichua is only spoken in the Highland. However, it is used in the four natural region� of Ecuador (Garc�s, 2020a).

Quichua was spoken by the majority of the indigenous communities. Also, people who came to conquer Ecuadorian territory had to learn it to be able communicate with them. Besides, it was necessary to acquire it to carry out business and acculturation activities, but above all, to evangelize the indigenous people (Haboud, 1998, p�g. 35) (Arnoux E. , 2010).

Spanish

According to the Ecuadorian Constitution, Spanish is the official language of the Ecuadorian territory (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 2008), but other languages are recognized and respected. This is the case of Quichua as the official language of the indigenous communities. However, Spanish will always have the first place because this is the language spoken in the capital city and other important cities in the country.

Castellano is another way to call� Spanish which is spoken in the Andian Zone as described by Lope Blanch cited by Haboud (1998); who also says that this language was the one that the soldiers and the marines spoke when they came to conquer America.

It is also important to mention that the Castellano or Spanish which is nowadays spoken not only in Ecuador,� but also in Spain and in all the Latinamerican countries are ruled by the Spanish Royal Academy^[2]� (RAE) and the Association of the Spanish Language Academies^[3] (ASALE) (Del Valle, 2014). This makes everything clear that there is still and there will be under the sway , in terms of the language, of those who conquered us.

 

Quichua and Spanish in contact

Quichua has survived since the Inca period, as well as the Colonial period until now. It has been spoken since the second half of the XV century (Ortiz, 2001).� This language has suffered the common changes of an evolution, but undeniably this is the same language the own Incas introduced, it means the language from the Cuzco. Before that, there was not a common language, each aborigine people spoke their own language and Quichua was for decades a second language. Only some of those dialects survived. However, the others were part of the glottophagy process, which is the exclusion of the language.

When Ecuador turned into an independent Republic, the language policies did not change much regarding to the status that Quichua had, the Spanish conquers� attitude maintained unchangeable. It means that there was a pejorative attitude toward the language that others spoke, particularly racism and colonialism has adverse effects on Quichua and the indigenous communities which spoke it. Spanish was the dominant language and Quichua was the dominated language (Carvet, 2005).

The situation explained above, changed in some way with the Liberal Revolution in 1895 led by General Eloy Alfaro, who permitted some social and religious changes. In terms of the linguistic aspects, Spanish continued to be the official language. However, it is important to mention that Quichua never disappear, in spite of the imposition of the land-owning men.

Given these facts, Bartolo (citado en Gramsci, 2013, p�g. 16) says that when two languages are in contact:

�surge un bosque ling��stico relativamente estable en el que es posible desgozar una variedad dominante y variedades dominadas�Ninguna lengua, en este sentido, sustituye completamente a otra. Ninguna lengua desaparece, a su vez, sin dejar restos.�^[4]

Quichua has lived together with Spanish� for centuries. Although there are a few communities which speak Quichua in Ecuador, it has never succumbed to the domination of Spanish. It seems to be that it will never disappear neither. The contact between these two languages is always going to come into conflict. It means that the minority languages which has been historically dominated will always be fighting for its inalienable rights� (Del Valle, 2014). However, �the coexistence between languages is only possible thanks to the clear differentiation� of the apropriate contexts� in which each language could be used� .�(Marilyn Martin-Jones (1989), citado en Del Valle, 2014, p�g: 91).

Therefore, the Quichua speakers in Ecuador lived asimilar situations to what happened to the Mexican indigenous communities � the obligatory use of Spanish in public places did not have a significant impact. It was the emergence of a capitalist economy, the development of the mining� and� the textile industry, and�� the compulsory� military service which led to the mass migration of the indigenous communities� and in consequence �(Marilyn Martin-Jones (1989), citado en Del Valle, 2014, p�g: 91).

It should be noted that the things that the government in power has done the last decades has permited a healthy coexistence between the two languages in contact. Thus, in Latinamerica, it is promoted the same as it is mentioned in the European Charter� for Regional and Minority Languages:

�Conscientes del hecho de que la protecci�n y promoci�n de las lenguas regionales o minoritarias de los diferentes pa�ses y regiones de Europa representan una contribuci�n importante a la construccion de una Europa fundada en los principio de democracia y diversidad cultural, en el marco de la soberan�a nacional y de la integridad territorial;��^[5] (Hamel, 1999)

 

Quichua in the Constitution

The Republic of Ecuador took several decades to recognize its official language. It was also slow to recognize the importance that Quichua has in the country. Facing this situation it is necessary to manifest that: � the language represents the highest degree of identity and constitues a path to build ethnicity from the country� naturalize in this way the belonging to a nation� (P�rez & Rogieri, 2013, p�g. 106). In Ecuador something similar happened to what happened in Mexico:

� [�] la edici�n de libros de textos �nicos, gratuitos y obligatorios para la ense�anza primaria, que alcanzaron una distribuci�n� masiva, signific� en primer lugar un control ideol�gico sobre los contenidos y m�todos de ense�anza, pero tambi�n sobre las normas del espa�ol�^[6] (Hamel, 1999).

�These two countries, Ecuador and Mexico, shared some characteristics. One of them was that they did not set, according to their constitutions, that Spanish was their official language. However, there were some secondary laws that pressed the citizens to use this language. Certain guidelines set the use of Spanish in the means of communication, in the official documents from the governments; over all the ones related to education.� It means, there was neither clear rules related to the linguistic policies nor a plan about formalizing Spanish as the official language, and even worse giving the right status to the minority languages just as in the case of Quichua in Ecuador.

Thus, from the Constitutions of 1830 until the one in 1845, nothing was mentioned about the language that was the official one in Ecuador, but it was understood that Spanish had primacy over the others because it was the language that the governments spoke. It was also the one they used to write the rules. Something similar happened to other countries in Latinamerica such as Angentina where �the circle of leaders excluded the indigenous communities� (Bein, 2010, p�g. 309).

It was from the Ecuadorian Constitution of 1929, in the Title I, Art. 6 said: �El Estado Ecuatoriano reconoce el espa�ol como idioma nacional�^[7] (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1929).� It can be seen that any other language is mentioned in this legal document.

In the Constitution of 1938, in the Title I, Art. 6 it was said: �El Estado Ecuatoriano reconoce el castellano como idioma nacional, pero respeta el idioma propio de los indios�.^[8]

In the Constitution 1945, Title I, Art 5 mentioned: �El Castellano es el idioma oficial de la Rep�blica. Se reconoce al quechua y dem�s lenguas abor�genes como elementos de la cultura nacional�.^[9]

In the Constitution of 1946 ans 1967, In the Constitutions of 1946 and 1967, Quichua is once again excluded, and it is not even mentioned, but only Spanish is recognized as the official language.

In the Constitutionof 1979, Preliminar Title, Art. 1 said that: �El idioma oficial es el castellano. Se reconoce al quichua y dem�s lenguas abor�genes como integrantes de la cultura nacional�.^[10] (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1979).

In the Constitution of 1998, in the Tittle I, Art. It was decreed that: � El Estado respeta y estimula el desarrollo de todas las lenguas de los ecuatorianos. El castellano es el idioma oficial. El quichua, el shuar y los dem�s idiomas ancestrales son de uso ocicial para los pueblos ind�genas, en los t�rminos que fija la ley�^[11] (Constitucion del Ecuador, 1998).

Finally, in the Constitution that currently governs the country, in Title I, First Chapter, On Fundamental Principles, Art. 2 says: ��El castellano es el icioma oficial del Ecuador; el castellano, el kichwa y el shuar son idiomas oficiales de relacion intercultural. Los dem�s idiomas ancestrales son de uso oficial para los pueblos ind�genas� en la zonas donde habitan y el los t�rminos que fija la ley. El estado respetar� y estimular� su conservaci�n y uso�^[12] (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 2008).

 

Quichua or Spanich

-          In the family communication

Nowadays,� it is sadly seen that in the indigenous communities, specifically in Salasaca, that the generational transfer of the Quichua language from parents to children has lost its importance and this puts at risk that not only the language will disappear, but the whole cultural baggage that it entails. It is speculated that if a different language is learned - and this is part of the environment in which an individual develops within a society - it influences in a different way the way of thinking of the speakers (Garc�s, 2020b). Sacha Rosero, a Quichua who did a postgraduate degree in Sociolinguistics at the University of Mondrag�n, in Spain, considers the situation of Quichua is difficult. He says �There is shame and fear of speaking Quichua. Parents, thinking that they are doing the right thing, avoid using their native language and raise their children in Spanish because that way they believe that their children will have better opportunities� (El Universo, 2013).

-          In education

At the beginning, the indigenous people had to integrate into the educational system in schools that only taught Spanish, as the Constitution dictated. Therefore, for several decades, there was no recognition and even worse support for its conservation and dissemination. As in Ecuador, countries like Argentina, it was said that "this rescue of the aboriginal languages ​​is late, since several ethnic groups have been left unstructured, especially as a result of their academic situation, and have been adopting Spanish, in the classroom" (Bein, 2010, p. 319). It can be added to this that this adoption has gone further and has been part of the social and commercial interaction of indigenous people.

With the approval of the Bilingual Intercultural Education System of the nationalities and indigenous people of Ecuador, this reality has changed substantially, since it ranges from early stimulation to the higher level. It is intended for the implementation of the plurinational and intercultural State, within the framework of sustainable development with a long-term vision. (Ecuadorian Constitution, 2008).

The educational institutions destined for the purpose of teaching ancestral languages, have problems in terms of infrastructure, resources and trained professional staff. Ariruma Kowii, director of the Department of Literature at the Sim�n Bol�var Andean University based in Quito, says that "the paradox is that now Kichwa parents send their children to schools to learn their native language, when before they sent them to learn Spanish." (El Universo, 2013).

Now, we have to remember that Quichua is an official language and must necessarily be promoted from the educational system. This implies considering the cultural part as something of high importance. Thus, it should not be forgotten that Ecuador was originally a place where Quichua was spoken, therefore, it must be part of our training as well as the rescue of our identity. Of course, without leaving aside the learning of languages ​​that relate to us regionally and worldwide. So the following must be highlighted: ��when decisions in relation to languages ​​are part of a state policy, it unfolds in the educational field and, fundamentally, in the section of future citizens, secondary education.� (Arnoux E.N., 2010, p. 336)

But little or nothing progress has been made in this regard, good intentions have remained on paper and on desks, since, as in other Latin American countries such as Chile, Portuguese is associated as "the historical enemy" (Arnoux & Del Valle, 2010). Quichua is related in Ecuador as the language of the despised, the conquered, and the indigenous people.

-          In the workplace

Twenty years ago, private and public companies did not employ any indigenous people due to discrimination, but also because of the self-discrimination with which the indigenous people reacted, by not even trying to improve themselves. Nowadays, the indigenous people trust themselves, study, go to university, obtain their degree. Now they have economists, engineers, lawyers, etc. (Rosa de Cobre, 2014). In private companies, the majority of indigenous people who have obtained a university degree work in banks, directed by themselves, or in commerce. In these positions, it is common for these workers to speak both languages, since they not only deal with indigenous people, but also with mestizos who speak Spanish. Commercial transactions could not take place if the two languages ​​were not mastered in communication. This reality erases the aforementioned weaknesses, since young people, especially, are living in this environment where their peers have placed Quichua in an important position.

Regarding the public companies, in the National Assembly, in Ministries and other main places, the participation of indigenous-Quichua speakers has been important. This has increased substantially in the last twelve years, apparently with the aim of integrating the different representative communities of Ecuador. In the case of the town of Pelileo, to which the Salasaca community belongs, the mayor� of that city is an indigenous person, a native of that parish, even though it is a population made up mostly of Spanish-speaking mestizos. Therefore, it has been maintained that the language used by the majority has to be used in each place where the indigenous people develop, while Spanish is used as the common language in the workplace. It is clearly seen that there is no linguistic policy in Ecuador where it is established that indigenous people can use their language and even more if they are represented by an indigenous authority. This is what Peruvian indigenous, Mar�a Sumire and Hilaria Supa wanted to do in the Peruvian Congress in 2006 (Arnoux E. N., 2010, p�g. 332).

 

Bilingualism and diglossia

There are several definitions of bilingualism, but a few have been considered to define this term precisely:

Bilingualism according to Mackey (quoted in Spence, 2004), is "... the alternative use of two or more languages ​​by the same person."

According to Uriel Weinreich, "bilingualism is the alternative use of two languages" and he also expresses that "it is the deviation from a linguistic norm as a result of contact between two systems" (Alvar, 2010).

In Bernard Pottier's dictionary (cited in Alvar 2010), he says that bilingualism is �the ability to understand a language other than the mother tongue and to be understood in it.

On the other hand, T. Lewandowski says that "bilingualism would also include the coexistence and contiguity between the dialect, the norm and the different sociolects (social bilingualism)"

In this particular case, the Salasacas use Spanish and Quichua according to the different situations of daily life. That is, its use is definitely alternative.

On the other hand, diglossia is, according to Ferguson (1959, cited in Spence 2004), a characteristic of a speech community where two or more languages ​​are necessary to perform differentiated communicative functions.

According to L�pez (1998), he says that ��within a bilingual or multilingual social environment, there is no equity in the use of one language or another. One of them, the one with the highest social prestige, is spoken mainly by the dominant groups and the other(s) by the subaltern groups.�

Several studies have shown that speech communities that are diglossic and bilingual are linguistically stable, while those that are bilingual but not diglossic lack such stability. (Spence, 2004).

Salasaca has its indigenous language, Quichua, which is considered a low variety language, along with Spanish, which is the high variety language. This is a clear example that Los Salasacas are a diglossic community.

 

Conclusions

This brief review of the use of Quichua and Spanish in the Salasaca community leads us to conclude that:1. Due to the measures adopted by governments in recent years, a case of glottophagy is completely ruled out. Now the official languages ​​of the indigenous people are being rescued through the language policy and planning carried out. 2. Rather, it is identified that a diglossic community exists in terms of society, but not only individually. 3. There is a revaluation of the culture of these people and the new opportunities in the public and private areas.

As a final statement, it can be established that it would be necessary to delve into the community itself to further strengthen what was said in this brief study. This will remain as a first step for the analysis of language policies and their planning in Salasaca, as it is one of the representative Quichua-speaking towns in Ecuador.

 

Referencias

1.      Alvar, M. (2010). Cuestiones de biling��smo y diglosia en el espa�ol. Madrid - Espa�a: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes.

2.      Arnoux, E. (2010). Las integraciones regionales en la formulaci�n de politicas linguisticas para las comunidades abor�genes. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Ling��stica - Universidad e Buenos Aires.

3.      Arnoux, E. N. (2010). Reflexiones glotopol�ticas: hacia la integraci�n sudamericana. En E. Narvaja de Arnoux, & R. Bein, La regulaci�n pol�tica de las pr�cticas ling��sticas (p�gs. 329-360). Buenos Aires, Argentina: Eudeba.

4.      Arnoux, E. N., & Del Valle, J. (2010). Las representaciones ideol�gicas del lenguaje. Discurso glotoplitico y panispanismo. Spanish in Context 7:1, 1-24.

5.      Bein, R. (2010). Los meandros de la pol�tica ling��stica argentina en relaci�n con la lenguas extranjerasen las leyes generales de educaci�n. En E. Narvajade Arnoux, & R. (. Bein, La regulaci�n pol�tica de las pr�cticas ling��sticas (p�gs. 307-328). Buenos Aires, Argentina: Eudeba.

6.      Carvet, L.-J. (2005). Ling��stica y Colonealismo. Breve tratado de glotofagia. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Econ�mica.

7.      Constituci�n del Ecuador. (1929). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/

8.      Constituci�n del Ecuador. (1938). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/

9.      Constituci�n del Ecuador. (1945). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/

10.  Constituci�n del Ecuador. (1979). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/

11.  Constitucion del Ecuador. (1998). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/

12.  Constituci�n del Ecuador. (2008). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. Obtenido de https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/constituciones-del-ecuador-desde-1830-hasta-2008/#

13.  Del Valle, J. (2014). Lo pol�tico del lenguaje y los l�mites de la lingu��stica panhisp�nica. Bolet�n de Filosof�a, Tomo XLIX, 87-112.

14.  El Universo. (27 de enero de 2013). Obtenido de https://www.eluniverso.com/2013/01/27/1/1447/kichwa-un-idioma-ancestral-desuso-comunidades.html

15.  Garc�s, F. (2020a). La revitalizaci�n de las lenguas ind�genas del Ecuador: una tarea de todos. Quito: Abya-Yala.

16.  Garc�s, F. (2020b). Las comunidades virtuales del quichua ecuatoriano: revalorizando la lengua en un espacio apropiado. Punto cero, 9-19.

17.  Gramsci, A. (2013). Escritos sobre el Lenguaje. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Eduntref.

18.  Guespin, L., & Marcellesi, J. (1986). Por la glotopol�tica. Langages, 5-34.

19.  Haboud, M. (1998). Quichua y castellano en los Andes ecuatorianos: efcto de un contacto prolongado. Quito, Ecuador: Abya- Yala.

20.  Hamel, R. (1999). Pol�ticas del lenguaje y fronteras ling��sticas en M�xico: La relaci�n del espa�l con las lenguas ind�genas y el ingl�s en los EE UU. Pol�ticas Ling��sticas para Am�rica Latina (p�gs. 177-215). Buenos Aires- Argentina: Universidad de buenos Aires.

21.  L�pez, L. E. (1998). Sobre las huellas de la voz. Madrid, Espa�a: Ediciones Morata, S. L.

22.  Ortiz, G. (2001). El Quichua en el Ecuador. Ensayo hist�rico- ling��stico. Riobamba- Ecuador: Abya- Yala.

23.  P�rez, L., & Rogieri, P. (2013). Lengua Nacional y Lengua de Inmigraci�n en l Pol�tica Ling��stica. Argentina (1880-1930). Revista Digital de Pol�ticas Ling��sticas, 99-117.

24.  Rosa de Cobre. (12 de noviembre de 2014). RDC. Obtenido de https://rosadecobre.wordpress.com/2014/11/12/entrevista-a-luis-alfonso-chango/

25.  Spence, M. (2004). El criollo limonense: diglosia o bilinguismo. Revista InterSedes, 1-13.

 

 

 

� 2023 por los autores. Este art�culo es de acceso abierto y distribuido seg�n los t�rminos y condiciones de la licencia Creative Commons Atribuci�n-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)

(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/).

[4] �a relatively stable linguistic forest emerges in which it is possible to break down a dominant variety and dominated varieties�No language, in this sense, completely replaces another. No language disappears, in turn, without leaving remains�. Translated by the authors.

[5] Aware of the fact that the protection and promotion of the regional or minority languages ​​of the different countries and regions of Europe represent an important contribution to the construction of a Europe founded on the principles of democracy and cultural diversity, within the framework of sovereignty national and territorial integrity;�� (Hamel, 1999)- Translated by the authors

[7] The Ecuadorian Republic recognizes Spanish as the national language (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1929).- Translated by the authors.

[8] The Ecuadorian Republic recognizes Spanish as the national language, but respects the native language of the indigenous communities. (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1938)- Translated by the authors.

[9] �Spanish is the official language of the Republic. Quechua and other indigenous languages ​​are recognized as elements of the national culture (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1945).- Translated by the authors.

[10] The official language is Spanish. Quichua and other indigenous languages ​​are recognized as members of the national culture (Constituci�n del Ecuador, 1979). Translated by the authors.

[11] The Ecuadorian Republic respects and encourages the development of all the languages ​​of Ecuadorians. Spanish is the official language. Quichua, Shuar and the other ancestral languages ​​are of official use for indigenous people, in the terms established by the law (Constitucion del Ecuador, 1998)- Translated by the authors

[12] ��Spanish is the official language of Ecuador; Spanish, Kichwa and Shuar are official languages ​​of intercultural relations. The other ancestral languages ​​are of official use for the indigenous communities in the areas where they live and in the terms established by law. The state will respect and encourage its conservation and use" (Constitution of Ecuador, 2008). � Translated by the authors.